Verdict On Louis IX St Louis Of France History Essay

An prototype is the representation of flawlessness, a function theoretical account for others to emulate. In Medieval Europe Louis seemed the theoretical account of ideal kingship, his undeniable religion built cathedrals and his asceticism drove him to illness, yet as a male monarch protected towns, dispersed justness and drove France through 16 old ages of peace and into the tallness of its power, something that ‘had non be attained since the clip of Charlemagne’ . It is impossible to divide Louis as a male monarch and a Christian because he ruled with his religion, yet his actions seldom differed from those of his predecessors and equals. Louis inherited no resistance from his female parent and a incorporate France from Philip Augustus doing his relationship and control over the Barons greater than old swayers. We must besides see Boniface ‘s motivations for canonisation. Louis had a monolithic followers, yet there were others grounds for his canonisation which could defile our persecution of his piousness. Chroniclers like Joinville praised Louis, although we must retrieve their plants besides served to learn Philip the same ideal kingship which means inside informations might be selective or overdone. Yet it can non gnaw Louis ‘ popularity. To measure Louis ‘ kingship we must judge his actions against contextual factors and alternate motivations by analyzing his campaigns, foreign policy, reforms, personal life and his canonisation.

Louis ‘ first campaign shaped the image of his holiness but besides impacted the remainder of his kingship. Louis two campaigns were ( if Edward ‘s is included in Louis ‘ second ) the last campaigns in the E, the menace of Muslim enlargement had past and fighting seemed excess. Although this shows Louis ‘ preparedness to support Christendom when others would non, yet it could demo Louis ‘ desires were anachronic stemming from infantile dreams of re-enacting the bible. Louis ‘ fighting political orientation and actions were compared to Joshua whose ground forces secured the Holy Land. Joshua ‘s conflict for the Holy Land was similar to Louis ‘ ain ends and sing Louis ‘ age he was ‘still an adolescence’ emotionally and as a swayer which may hold caused him to overlook the world of the remainder of Europe ‘s involvements with the Holy Roman Empire.

Europe was non united to venture into a campaign, Louis had pledged to support the Catholic Pope against Empire Frederick and Innocent VIII desired ‘to maintain a powerful defender at manus, in instance the Emperor ‘s arm should predominate. The Catholic Pope in secret tried talked to Louis against crusading, yet he gave Louis his approval, ‘Innocent had no purpose of leting the recovery of Jerusalem to interfere with his designs’ . He offered more money for a campaign against Frederick than he would give Louis. This shows Louis ‘ strength of belief driving him instead than the wants of other European leaders, nevertheless, Louis was still a immature and this first campaign seems driven more by personal glorification than God. Although they failed his campaigns ‘became the cardinal vehicle for his profound piety’ in his image as guardian of Christendom, but this could mention the campaign ‘s influence in his ulterior reign.

In licking Louis found another analogue with Joshua in ‘the wickednesss of Achan ‘ which resembled his failure of his first campaign. He believed failure came because of wickedness, an account used before but Louis took the incrimination personally demoing his ultimate humbleness. However, if crusading became a vehicle for his sanctity it could intend that Louis ‘ reforms and efforts to unify Europe were ‘developed mostly in response to his failure of the male monarch ‘s first campaign and his hope for success in a future one’ . Louis actions could hold been ‘to atone for, the great failure with which he reapproached ‘ . Although, if true it upholds Louis ‘ piousness as his 2nd campaign was for salvation in the eyes of God. However, in his ulterior regulation Louis about abdicated and retired to a monastery and if Louis had planned another campaign, why did he go forth it so tardily in life?

Louis ‘ 2nd campaign came over the Catholic Pope was concerned of events in Syria. Historians like Gaposckin believe Louis generated a renewed and moral connexion to crusading, yet Joinville noted one council member said ‘if we do non take the cross we shall lose the male monarch, and if we do we shall lose God, seeing that we shall make it nor for Him, but for fright of the king’ . Louis ‘ 2nd campaign seemed reactionist offering him a long anticipated opportunity of salvation, this 2nd campaign showed Louis adulthood and willingness to gain God ‘s forgiveness.

Louis ‘ foreign policy was to move as conciliator to unite Christian Europe. Louis became the justice of Europe, from mentioning the Grecian Emperor ‘s argument with the Pope to spreading the English Godheads against Henry II which stopped the eruption of lawlessness showed Louis ‘ attempts to halt war between Christians. Joinville noted ‘he was a adult male… who took the greatest problem in the universe to do peace between his topics, particularly between great work forces and princes’ . Unlike his predecessors Louis ne’er campaigned to spread out his district he may hold understood that boundary lines were now inherited non conquered. It seemed to Louis war was merely acceptable with Christian justification i.e. leting his brother Charles of Anjou to suppress Sicily was justified as a campaign. Although, in world the Catholic Pope wanted to ache the Holy Roman Empire and Louis would back up the will of God ‘s represntative. Perry highlights Louis ‘ foreign policy ‘owed non to any deep de-figuring policy of the male monarch… but, instead which was earned by the simple sanctity of his life and manifest unity of all his actions’ . Louis ‘ policies were based around his Christian character.

Although there possibly other motivations for Louis policies, possible the increasing tenseness closer to place with bordering states. Henry ‘s claims to Normandy had been pacified and Louis was willing to compromise, but consider Louis inferred against Henry ‘s Barons rebelling could hold been to halt a stronger leader lifting and repossessing Normandy? Possibly Louis was expecting an English invasion, he began to infiltrate Normandy by get marrieding its Counts to Frenchmans to cement their commitments and by constructing munitions. Geographic France was bookended between England and the Roman Holy Empire, which had Richard of Cornwall as its Emperor. Louis was sandwiched between an English menace, a alliance could destruct France like it about had with Philip Augustus. Although work forces were ‘attracted and subdued by the sight of holiness and… non less than by the greatest slender of militant achievement’ many wanted Louis as an ally, but he besides had to protect his land and people every bit good as his religion.

Louis reformed his land against corruptness like no Christian swayer had before while besides centralising his administrative power to what Strayer called the ‘medieval beginnings of the modern province ‘ . Corruptness was rooted within the hierarchy and Louis ‘ equete revealed his deficiency of control over some countries and put more focal point on the development of royal power. He made Torahs against graft sketching the difference between payoffs and ‘gifts ‘ and introduced Torahs to sketch the behavior of Provots and Mayors who were straight responsible to the male monarch and probes were introduced which started at the slightest sense of corruptness. Davis Porter noted ‘the thought of “reform” since the Thirteenth Century [ refers to ] … “the clip of St Louis as the ideal”’ . Yet nil he did was innovated, it was the sheer graduated table of his reforms and giving the peasantry justness which old male monarchs had ne’er achieved. The king hand-picked certain work forces i.e. clerics like the Dominicans and Franciscans who were immune to corruptness to run probes and work in high places of office and stopped larcenies from charity by utilizing the Knights Templar who ‘s repute with money was good noted to oversee and distribution financess. Using these spiritual work forces was an illustration to other swayers on how to productively better the disposal and engender trueness.

Louis ‘ policies successful targeted the logical thinking for corruptness, the demand for money to fund a rich life style. Incentives of higher wage i.e. a Senechaux ‘s earned 240-600 Gallic lbs a twelvemonth plus a 150 vesture allowance doing it the greater place a Medieval aristocracy. The male monarch had their complete trueness as candidly paid better than corruptness. This combination of utilizing honest work forces and inducements showcased non pitiless purification, but making the will to alter. Louis ‘ reforms instigated a sense ‘at its highest degree, royal authorities… to modulate and reform itself’ . Thus the maltreatment of over the provincials brought them equality and showed Louis as a adult male of his people.

However, Louis ‘ policies could associate to his fighting political orientation as sublimating his hierarchy and giving to charity could associate back to the narrative of Achan. Louis ‘ first campaign was funded by corrupt money, Matthew Paris attacked him for squashing the church ‘s financess and made the hapless suffer greatly, hence could demo Louis ‘ reforms and charity to the hapless was a manner to pay for past wickednesss. Royal justness in some instances would demand work forces to function on a campaign like Enguerrand IV of Coucy.

Contextually the Jews were viewed as misbelievers and Diabolists who murdered Jesus Christ, the pontificate and authors like Joinville projected an anti-Jewish attitude, William of Charles declared Louis hated Jews ‘so much that he could non bear to look at them’ . Judaic hatred was common throughout Europe but economically the Jews served a pecuniary intent by loaning, yet the authorities was now ready to centralize that facet of mundane life and the Jews were unnecessary. Texts like the Chronicles of Saint Dennis claimed Jews ejection was divinely sanctioned by God and old swayers like Philip Augustus had attempted. However, modern-day grounds shows incompatibility between this image and the deficiency of support Louis gained. The Gallic seemed unwilling to allow the Barons modulate adoption as did the church as they would be vulnerable to revenue enhancement. Louis unlike old male monarchs knew public sentiment and allowed them to remain. Although his suggests the Gallic public were against the ejection of the Jews, it seems they were more concerned about the economic deductions than the rights of the Jews. Although this shows Louis listened to his people and did non govern forcefully.

When Louis ‘ died France considered him a saint and many called him a sufferer. Guillanme of Charpres described a adult male of deep humbleness with a deep sense of Christian responsibility, while Geoffrey of Beaulieu ‘s celebrated Louis ‘ personal life like his matrimonial celibacy and hate of blasphemy. A Fransican noted Louis brought prosperity reminded many there were other accomplishments to his reign. However, the fortunes under which Louis was canonized could demo that he was merely used as a bargaining bit by Boniface during his competition with Philip IV for Philip to get married one of Boniface ‘s boy ‘s to the girl of the Count of Burgundy. Louis ‘ sainthood would besides put credibleness on Philip ‘s ain reign, yet Boniface ‘s used Louis as a political arm to assail Philip ‘s reign. ‘Doing neither incorrect, nor unfairness, nor force to anyone and honoured with great releasing the way of equilty’ , could easy be Boniface assailing Philip for his policies against the church by comparing Louis ‘ actions against Philip to demo Europe he was nil like his predecessor. However, this does non defile Louis sainthood but upholds it as others would knock Philip for non go oning Louis ‘ ‘golden age ‘ . However, many believed ‘Louis ‘ sainthood was modelled by these authoritative properties of the ideal kingship’ .

Louis ‘ angelic image of being just, honest and sanctum reflected a expression used to depict most great male monarchs in the Middle Ages. Louis was ever regarded as a good male monarch but possibly non in the same manner after his canonisation. Bray highlights ‘similarities among saints, for all are exhibit of his virtuousnesss… the resemblance from saint to saint has become common place’ . This suggests Louis ‘ virtuousnesss became overdone, possible through propaganda and the influence of other Gallic male monarchs pull stringsing Louis ‘ bequest. Yet, from Joinville and other chroniclers shows France believed Louis brought ‘peace in his clip ; he loved God and Holy church ; and they say that he is with the saints’ . To his comporaries he was a saint and ideal swayer.

Louis ‘ personal life reflected the nucleus of his Christian values. Some chroniclers estimated he gave 2,000 to 3,000 lbs per twelvemonth to charity and his friendly relationship with the Dominicans and Franciscans besides showed his support of the monasteries and reflected his demand to heighten his ain religion every bit good as aid others. Louis lowered himself down to function his people in caring for those less fortunate by feeding the homeless and lovingness for lazars. He provided just justness and even when insulted by a adult females who denounced him as male monarch. He did non hold her beaten unlike other swayers and had his work forces counterbalance her. There seemed no portion of his personal life which does non demo his utmost piousness.

Louis ‘ reign and policies were non advanced nor saw the abetment of political alteration. Through little alterations like reforms and making a incorporate Gallic currency encouraged a aureate age of France. Louis did non hold to cover with ‘feudal lawlessness ‘ but had the foundations of the modern province which he set in topographic point by brining equality by seting a greater empathsis on the rights and demands of the peasantry. Although there are issues that ‘could ‘ have influenced Louis, those alternate motivations could hold been portion of his involvements to protect his state. It seems impossible to deny he was the prototype of Christian Europe, one chronicler said ‘the land of France in his clip was like the Sun in the Eden in comparing to the rest’ of helter-skelter Europe. Louis ‘ reign was the first measure towards societal and administrative alteration and the early modern province, that certainly made him the prototype of the Christian male monarch.

Word count ( excepting rubric, headings and biliography ) 2,495.


  1. Bartlett, R. , ‘The impact of royal authorities in the Gallic Ardennees ; the grounds of the 1247 Enquete ‘ , Journal of Medieval History, 7, no. 1, ( 1981 ) , pp. 83-96.
  2. Gaposckin, M.C. , ‘Boniface VIII, Phillip the Fair and the sancitity of Louis IX ‘ , Journal of Medieval History, 29, no. 1, ( 2003 ) , pp. 1-26.
  3. Gaposckin, M.C. , ‘Louis IX, campaign and the promise of Joshua in the Holy Land ‘ , Journal of Medieval History, 34, no. 3, ( 2008 ) , pp. 245-274.
  4. Hajdu, R. , ‘Castles, castellans and the structureo degree Fahrenheit politices in Poitou, 1152-1271 ‘ , Journal of Medieval History, 4, no.1, ( 1978 ) , pp. 27-53.
  5. Jordan, W. C. , ‘Anti-corruption Campaigns in Thirteenth-Century Europe ‘ , Journal of Medieval History, 35, no. 2 ( 2009 ) , pp. 204-219.
  6. Jordan, W. C. , Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusades: a survey of rulership, ( Princeton, New Jersey, 1979 ) .
  7. Menache, S. , ‘The King the Church and the Hebrews: some consideration on the ejections from England and France ‘ , Journal of Medieval History, 13, no. 3, ( 1987 ) , pp. 223-236.
  8. Perry, F. , Saint Louis ( Louis IX. Of France ) : the most Christian King, ( New York, London, 1901 ) .

F. Perry, Saint Louis ( Louis IX. Of France ) : the most Christian King, ( New York, London, 1901 ) , p. 229.

Ibid. , p. 9.

F. Perry, Saint Louis, p. 155.

Ibid. , p. 14.

W. C. Jordan, Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusades: a survey of rulership, ( Princeton, New Jersey, 1979 ) , p8.

W. C. Jordan, Challenge of the Crusades, p. 182-83.

Ibid. , p. 285.

Ibid. , p. 231.

Ibid. , p. 229.

Ibid. , p. 229

W. C. Jordan, ‘Anti-corruption Campaigns in Thirteenth-Century Europe ‘ , Journal of Medieval History, 35, no. 2 ( 2009 ) , p. 213.

Ibid. , p. 213.

R. Bartlett, ‘The impact of royal authorities in the Gallic Ardennees ; the grounds of the 1247 Enquete ‘ , Journal of Medieval History, 7, no. 1, ( 1981 ) , p. 96.

M.C. Gaposckin, ‘Joshua ‘ , p. 266-7.

S. Menache, ‘The King the Church and the Hebrews: some consideration on the ejections from England and France ‘ , Journal of Medieval History, 13, no. 3, ( 1987 ) , p. 228.

Gaposckin, M.C. , ‘Boniface VIII, Phillip the Fair and the sancitity of Louis IX ‘ , Journal of Medieval History, 29, no. 1, ( 2003 ) , pp. 1.

Ibid. , p. 18.

Ibid. , p. 6.

F. Perry, Saint Louis, p. 296.

Ibid. , p. 296.