The Faro Division In Northern Cameroon History Essay

Since independency, there have been consecutive brushs in Africa, particularly the Biafra war in Nigeria from 1967 to 1970, the sidelining of oppositions to the government of Sekou Toure in Guinea, the war of release in Guinea Bissau. Chad is non exempted from this. In fact, the political history of Chad from 1920 to 1990 is characterised by perennial force, and putsch d’Etat. Since the terminal of the 1970ss till the morning of the XXIth century, Chad has witnessed and still does lasting instability. These assorted struggles have led to large human loss and the supplanting of hundred 1000 refugees. Cameroon which portions a boundary line with Chad is politically stable and stands as a host land for Chadian refugees. The acceptation or debut of a new member into a society has ever raised contentions. This is why the approach of Chadian safeties in the Faro Division will give birth to some alterations whose effects are now seeable. A inquiry so comes to mind as to cognize in what manner can the colony of Chadian refugees in this country be considered as an explicative variable of economical, sociocultural and political dynamisms in the Division.

Cardinal words: Forced migration, Chad, Northern Cameroon, Changes

Introduction

Migrations in cardinal Africa are a field of surveies which is still to be investigated into. This sphere can even be considered as fringy in the historiography of this part. Yet, wars and political brushs which plague it since independency lead to the supplanting of populations. These populations move from town to town or from state to state for security interest and in hunt for refuge or peaceable and stable host lands that can shelter them from struggles, prosecutions and vouch them a certain security. Cameroon remains a pick of finish for many refugees and refuge searchers from cardinal Africa and the Great lakes part In malice of the economic crisis and some socio political tensenesss link to the high unemployment rate and cost of life. This place makes Cameroon a shop of a new basin of migration establishing on the geographics of force and wars. In 2008 a sum of 4A 600 households of about 30.000 individuals were registered by the UNHCR and they expressed their want to remain in Cameroon temporarily get awaying from unrest in N’Djamena ( Spindler, 2008 ) . This is how the Faro Division hosted 1000s of refugees coming from neighboring Chad. The coming of these safeties in this Division will give rise to a certain figure of alterations whose effects are soon seeable. A inquiry so comes to mind as to cognize in what manner can the colony of Chadian refugees in this country be considered as an explicative variable of economical, socio-cultural and political dynamisms in the Division ( see location map ) . The pick of the Faro Division is non causeless. The colony of refugees did non take topographic point in all the divisions of the North. Merely two divisions received the refugees, the Benoue and the Faro. Nevertheless, no in-depth survey has been carried on issues of refugees in the faro division ( Poli-Tapare ) . My long stay in the divisional headquarter, Poli is a ground for my pick as I master the Poli-Tapare vicinity which receives tchadian refugees.

Carte_faro-bon.jpg

SourceA : Base SIG des villes du Cameroun, Laboratoire de Geomatique/universite de Ngaoundere , AdaptationA : Baska Toussia, 2011

Figure 1. Location of the survey country

A-Involuntary supplantings

The early 1880ss was characterised by a monolithic entry of Chadians in Cameroon in general and specifically in Northern part. This monolithic inflow can be accounted for by the blend of many factors including political, military and economic. The sites were non chosen at random. It was based on set regulations. These migrators who run flee from wars in general belong to assorted socio professional classs including cultural and spiritual classs. Before researching the causes of their migration, it would be necessary to follow their beginnings.

Migrations in Africa: an old phenomenon

Very widely associated to coerce migrations which affect southern states, the impression of refugees is comparatively new. It owes much to the Palestinian crisis of 1948 and three old ages subsequently to the signature of the convention of Geneva, which oversaw political refuge processs and resulted into the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees ( Cordell, 2002, p.16 )

If the impression of refugees is recent, migrations on their portion are non new phenomena in Africa. Talking in the same manner, Cordell ( 2002 ) affirms:

Largely assimilated to coerce migration impacting states of the South, the impression of refugees in its modern significance is comparatively recent. Its building is rooted extremely to the Palestinian crisis of 1948 and the sign language, three old ages subsequently, of the Geneva convention, which regulates the processs of political refuge and gave birth to the United Nation High Commission for Refugees ( UNHCR ) .

The present profile of populations in Africa consequences from a long permanent procedure of migration whose beginnings are deep-seated in history. Factors arousing migrations are by and large centred on crises be they political, conflictual or ecological.

From the vale of the Nile up to part environing Lake Chad, the cardinal Africa of the XIXth century has witnessed many slave foraies which prevail after the spread of Islam in the part. This led to the supplanting of populations whose state of affairs was far better than that of people who suffered the effects wrought by the ‘Holy war ‘ of the Fulani Jihad in West Africa in the same epoch ( Cordell, 2002, p.18 ) . This state of affairs provoked the supplanting of population in comparatively stable zones. They had to get by for their security throughout their supplanting and for their relocation. Ancient migrations are besides accounted for by the failing of agricultural systems.

In rural African societies, traveling from one site to a more or less close site stands as a compelling solution for those who embark on this venture when basic demands are non fulfilled ( hapless productiveness of lands, deficiency of infinite, eating, to call these few ) . In contexts of land impregnation and demographic force per unit area, entree to resources becomes competitory. In such a state of affairs, migration bases as an ultimate feasible response. As such, portion of the population moves from most populated parts to less populated 1s. This was the instance with the Tupuri people of the XVIIth century portion of whom had to travel from their native dirt ( South East Chad ) to a less populated and woody part in North-East Cameroon. It was non a planetary migration that drained all the toupouri people towards Cameroon but alternatively a portion of this population.

During colonization, the European disposal peculiarly put in topographic point occupation migrations which where seasonal and intended for metropoliss in a command to supply a work force. Development migrations taking at imparting the work force for public involvement plants were therefore recorded. Guided by the hunt for net income, the colonizer laid more accent on the quantitative facet of work force to the hurt of quality. The “ negriers ” spontaneously preferred to turn to small towns alternatively of citations to look for human resources that they needed. At this period so, 90 % of the population lived out of metropoliss. In Far North Cameroon for illustration some parts were considered like shops of work force. It consisted of non-Muslim populations which were many and hardworking. The development of settlements has ever pushed colonizers to promote the supplanting of populations. This can be inferred from what Collette Dubois ( 2005, p.8 ) holds.

Human mobility can be seasonal: the supplanting of “ navetanes ” ( seasonal work force recruited to reap Indian potatos in Senegal ) ; the migration of Mossi people to the Gold Coast, to cultivate chocolate. The enlisting of workers in forest work-sites in Gabon ; the enlisting of Khroumen ( crew work forces and stevedores ) on the seashore of western Africa by pilotage companies.

At the morning of independency, the creative activity of new industrial units in some vicinities became a sine qua non status for the development of new provinces. This entailed a large demand in adult male power as was the instance of the vicinity of Mbandjock in the centre part of Cameroon. The State organised migrations intended or the the agro-industrial company called SOSUCAM ( Societe Sucriere du Cameroun ) . As such, Tupuri, Massa and Mundang people were displaced to function as work force in this industrial unit.

As economic restraints of the morning of independency every bit good as jobs related to political alternation kept deterioration, population motions will be diversified in the last decennaries of the XXth century.

2-Causes of forced supplanting of Chadians

The state of affairs of Chad worsened increasingly at the morning of independency on 11 August 1960 ensuing into a series of wars and the bankruptcy of the state. Many supplantings among which that of Chadians resulted from it. The political and economic crises were the immediate causes of going. They paved the manner for a monolithic forced supplanting of migrators. A reappraisal of the recent political history of this state would doubtless do the present work more comprehensive. The creative activity of the Chad National Liberation Front ( FROLINAT-Front de Liberation National du Tchad ) in 1966 by Ibrahim Abatcha at Nyala in the Sudanese Darfur triggered a series of armed struggles among assorted cardinal authoritiess at Ndjamena and armed political motions. There were political, economical and military grounds to this armed struggle ( MbaA?naye, 2004, p.22 ) .

a- Politicss

In 1962, president Tombalbaye bans resistance parties. Some of his egotistic confederates particularly some members of the armed forces had committed atrociousnesss against the populations of the North of the state therefore ensuing into the creative activity of the FROLINAT in 1966 ( Ley-Ngardigal, 2008 ) .

The balkanisation of this motion after the decease of its initiation male parent led to the creative activity of rival wings ( FAN[ 1 ], FLT[ 2 ]… ) which took power in February 1979. Soon after, nevertheless, given the prevalence of competitions over the control of power, tribalism and money-mindedness, those rival wings entered into endless generalised armed struggles against one another ( Ley-Ngardigal, 2008 ) . This farther worsened the so delicate societal, political, and economical equilibrium of the state. This does non use to Chad entirely. A good figure of states in Africa autumn under this. This is what the secretary General ( 1998, p.3 ) one time said with this respect to the United Nations ‘ Security Council.

More than thirty old ages after the independency of African states, Africans themselves realise the African continent should happen the solutions to its jobs elsewhere, more than of all time before, Africa should analyze herself. The major beginning of struggle in the continent is the nature of the political power in many African continents every bit good as the existent or alleged effects related to entree to power and its arrogation.

Indeed, this construct of power, alternatively of lending to the advancement, stands as a stumbling block, beginning of dissension and societal brushs wherein the holder of power becomes wary and locks himself among his tribesmen purportedly for protection. Absence of duologue, mutual chariness between the disposal and the population creates the non-satisfaction of basic demands. This general job in the population creates an unstable state of affairs in the State since the people constitute a fertile land for claims and rebellions. This makes power to be instable and leads to a state of affairs of ageless struggle which destroys the economic system. We are speaking here about the devastation of the traditional economic system seting in the Forefront a kind of A«A Distress economyA A» where the local population is far from being the donees.

b-Socio-economic causes

War affects the economic system and leads to the devastation of substructures, the devastation of the system of nutrient production therefore arousing under-nutrition, dearth and decease. This portrays the direct impact that the political scenery has on societal and economic conditions of population. Political wrangles have paved the manner for under-nutrition, wellness jobs and a high grade of unemployment. Faced with such a helter-skelter state of affairs, the most usual option left is to go forth. What matters is the hunt for refuge and agencies of endurance. As mentioned earlier, the arrogation of power by a tribal minority and political selling consequence into the appropriation of the resources of the state which are so considered as private belongings above all at the exclusion of the bulk of the population. Given that they are excluded from the direction of resources, they feel marginalised. This therefore speeds up their pursuit for greener grazing lands. In their migration, forced migrators do non follow the same path, which obey certain parametric quantities.

3-Choice of land of colony

Before depicting the country of survey which hosts Chadian migrators, it is deemed wise to show Cameroon as a oasis of peace in a bomber part which is ageless unrest. Thus, for decennaries now, Cameroon has been a land of colony where a good figure of migrators from different states. It ‘s a sort of receptacle country, a runing pot of African traditions. This cultural assorted up is non of originally from Cameroon but alternatively a general issue in every state due to the multiple contacts between people. Some historical facts related to the colonies of foreign migrators can be traced back.

Between the old ages 1966 and 1970 a period matching to the extremum of the Biafra war in Nigeria, 1000s of refugees, particularly nomads ( Mbororo ) and Hausa Muslims settee in Northern Cameroon ( Bocquene, 1986, p.207 ) . In 1978, Cameroon one time once more welcomes Equato-guinean refugees get awaying the absolutism of Macias Nguema. This event corresponded with a declaration of cooperation between HCR ( High Comission of Refugees ) and the authorities of Cameroon. Between the old ages 1980 and 2000, Cameroon welcomes 1000s of R.D.Congolese refugees running from Mobutu ‘ absolutism. After cultural clangs in which took topographic point in January 2002 in Nigeria, near to 20 000 Nigerians settee in the grassfields part ( Dunga Mantung, Banyo ) . Between the old ages 1979 and 1990, the Northern portion of the state welcomes more than 100 000 Chadian civilians who ran off from war ( UNHCR, 1991-2003 ) . Many grounds account for this monolithic inflow of Chadians to Northern Cameroon.

The propinquity between Chad and Northern Cameroon is the most obvious factor which facilitates the supplanting at a low cost. Regular entree to intelligence from their native Chad was made easier due to the fact the short distance. Furthermore, the comparative high quality of Cameroon in footings of economic development contributed to pull them.

The clime is the A«A soudano-guinean ” type as in the whole state holding two alternating seasons. Located South of the part, the field of survey has wet and less hot conditions, with an mean one-year higher-up to 1 400mm and an mean one-year temperature of 250C, which nevertheless varies between 110C in December/January and 370C in April ( Brabant and Humbel, 1974 ) . Harmonizing to P. Brabant and Givaud ( 1985 ) the denseness of the population is approximately 10 inhabitants/km2. It is hence a less populated. This besides entails the handiness of arable land. Furthermore, Northern Cameroon in general and the country under survey in peculiar portion many lingual and cultural similarities which ease the integrating of refugees from southern Chad. Refugees who settle in the Faro are from assorted beginnings.

4-Typology of migrators

Refugees who flooded Poli-Tapare are from different socio-professional profiles. This can be inferred from the followers:

Runing off from struggles or prosecutions, or confronting desperation, a good figure of Chadian migrators have now settled in Cameroon… Some are civil retainers, grade holders, unemployed, pupils, bargainers, simple husbandmans… Others are statutory refugees or refuge searchers. Others are ordinary nomads, economic migrators or adventurers from all walks of life ( MbaA?naye, 2004, p.22 ) .

The effects of war imposed a common point to all of them: they are refugees competing for endurance. Establishing on field probes, refugees belong to the armed forces, they are instructors, wellness staff and a bulk of husbandmans. Harmonizing to estimations from sources in the field, Tapare small town received 5000 Chadian refugees since the beginning of the politico-military crisis Chad has faced[ 3 ]. The reaching of such an of import figure of forced migrators in the Faro has surely had multiple effects.

B-Effects of the colony of migrators

The invasion of new people in a new societal environment has ever been a beginning of jobs. The colony of Chadians in Tapare has given room for alterations. These alterations are felt at the sociocultural, economic, political and environmental degrees.

1-Sociocultural impacts

The reaching of Chadians at Tapare has ushered in a new type of relationships with the local population. Those relationships are most frequently characterised by an attitude of chariness vis a vis the refugees based on the grounds which underlied the going of Chadian refugees. These chariness and intuition are farther reinforced by stereotypes which have for long been showing Chadians like barbarous and inhuman. This stigmatization is farther seen through such an abuse as “ soiled Chadians ” . In fact, due to the economic state of affairs which prevailed in Chad, this place is further strengthened, therefore showing the Chadian like a really hapless, populating in wretchedness and low poorness. Given their position of new comers, the displaced are placed at the underside of the societal ladder. This position of ageless needy does non favor a alteration in the attitude toward them. They become more vulnerable.

The wretchedness in which they live contributes to beef up their exposure since the position of refugees is given on the footing of general and non single conditions in Africa. The 1969 convention of the African Union Organisation, in consequence broadens the position of refugee without needfully showing that there is single prosecution. This is mark of irresponsibleness of western states vis a six calls which are non straight related to them ( Rodier, 2002, p.25 ) . As such, while 80 % of refugees were given their position on collective or Prima facie footing, there seems to be a large contrast with Europe where the bulk ( if non all ) of appliers were given the position of refugees on single bases. The HCR ( 2005, p.6 ) therefore holds ”regional differences with respect to the acknowledgment of is accounted for by the nature of the bing judiciary frame every bit good as by the degree of economic development ( to find the position of refugees on single footing is demanding in footings of resources ” . These legal temperaments contribute to the abnormality of general aid to refugees. As such, refugees are abandoned to their ain destiny and therefore increase their exposure to HIV AIDS infection.

Many factors lending to the addition in the hazard of HIV AIDS transmittal among refugees are rather good known. Refugees are far removed from their native dirts. They do non hold anything to populate on. This institutional and societal dislocation is has an consequence on the coherence of the community, therefore interrupting societal sexual norms which underlie behaviors. Bing a refugee populating far from 1s native dirt can lend to the ingestion of intoxicant and other drugs which might ensue into the devastation of the impression of hazard at the degree of single and corporate attitudes. In refugees cantonments adult females and misss every bit face sexual force and development. The refugees struggled to fulfill their basic demands in nutrient, H2O and lodging. In this status, the adult females and misss frequently use their appeal or beauty for money, nutrient and for protection. Children without parental support, separated from their household or who became orphans are every bit peculiarly vulnerable to force and to physical and sexual development ( Hankins, et al. , 2002 ) . The presence of Chadians at Tapare entails an addition in the population. If from the oncoming pieces of lands shared among refugees do non present jobs, as clip the population additions, entree to set down becomes a major preoccupation.

Migrations in Northern Cameroon in general are beginnings of many struggle related to entree to land. The most celebrated are those opposing indigens to migrators ; though less seeable, intrafamily jobs are besides many. Conflicts related to land are normally triggered by a series of causes. Though the scarceness of land itself is a believable effort history for this, this nevertheless fails to veil other causes, viz. dissension on the reading of old minutess, the reclamation of coevalss and the rise of money-mindedness ( Mahamadou, 2008, p.2 ) .

Old minutess have been considered as unequivocal by Chadian migrators, while for local populations the lands were merely lent to migrators. Furthermore, descendants of refugees tend to liberate themselves from the bonds of verbal understandings on land development, while the progeny of the local population put to oppugn these conventions agreed upon by their parents. Finally, money-based minutess are besides concluded equivocally. The consequences are divergencies based on the reading of the nature of the conventions: harmonizing to the Sellerss, the lands were merely exchanged against money with refugees for a long-run development ; this therefore does non liberate the purchasers from traditional duties[ 4 ]. For migrants-buyers, the secret plans were bought and should hence be considered as their belongings purchasers are therefore exempted from all duties vis a vis the Sellerss. The behavior of the marketer is accounted for by the fact thought that a secret plan can non be decidedly sold to a refugee since the latter will sooner or later travel back to his native state. Problems faced by Chadian refugees with respect to entree to set down bode a hard economic interpolation.

2-The economic interpolation of refugees

The concentration of refugees in cantonments does non ease their interpolation. Survival being the day-to-day leitmotif, refugees of Tapare no Oklahoman have they spent a few old ages in the country, they start looking for occupations outside their colony. This state of affairs was worsened by the economic crisis of the late 1880ss which made entree to the occupation market hard. This is why in most instances, those refugees succeeded in being recruited but like dark watchers in some personal abodes or in a few services. This hard interpolation favoured the generation of little occupations in the informal sector. Under this autumn cobblers, shoe buffers, H2O Sellerss and soya Sellerss.

Equally far as adult females are concerned, they have developed other schemes as a suited response to their state of affairs. They of course embraced the bil-bil[ 5 ]concern. Given the lingual and cultural propinquities between some populations of Southern Chad and those of Northern Cameroon, it can be held that the fiction of this drink was non specific to the population of Northern Cameroon. This is why Chadian adult females will prosecute in the fiction of bil-bil, which does non enforce a large sum of money for a start. Their engagement in this sector is noticeable in large towns of Northern Cameroon, peculiarly in Maroua town. In the same manner, Gigla ( 2009 ) says that:

As one takes a walk in bil-bil quarters in Maroua town, it is easy to observe the grade of engagement of Chadian adult females. They work with local beer makers in chief quarters where bil-bil is brewed. As such, they are found in Harde , Fasaw, Domayo Pont called ”world market ” given the range of the bil-bil phenomenon. They have ushered in new techniques in the brewing of bil-bil which they fabricate in Fe tins.

Incomes generated from this concern have enabled Chadian adult females to get by with the basic demands of their households. The usage of millet and maize has influenced the measure of one-year production in the vicinity. As such, refugees themselves ended up being involved in agricultural activities.

Their interpolation into agribusiness was more successful in malice of the hurdlings faced in their pursuit for secret plans. The reaching of Chadian migrators at Tapare has boosted the production of cereal, leguminous and buttery. This is seeable in the topographic point occupied by the market in Faro division. Before the reaching of migrators, this market of less relevancy was non known by the population of the main town of the division. As clip went on, this market got specialised in the merchandising of Indian potatos produced in bulk by the refugees. The presence of refugees in the Faro has political deductions.

3-From the political point of view

After several old ages at Tapare , refugees and above all their posterities tend to blend up with the local populations. The acquisition of national individuality cards of their host state constitutes a warrant of protection and a peaceable life for refugees[ 6 ]. This is what Mimche ( 2006, p.60 ) said with respect to it.

For many neighbouring populations, this dual nationality consists in concretly looking for official documents ( national individuality card ) of the state of abode in order to get away from prosecution by forces of order and that of the state of abode for eventual visits to the state of beginnings of household members, to hold rights in foreign districts. Furthermore, the hunt for dual individuality gives refugees some rights in their host state: right to set down, entree to the occupation market, and right to education with the same position as indigens of the state.

In so making, a new individuality characterised by a dual nationality which makes the position of “ new citizens “ emerges. The phenomenon of dual nationality and transnationality has imposed itself as an ineluctable world given the multiple struggles which plague Africa This is true for Ivory Coast with the construct of “ ivority ” as portrayed by Mimche ( 2006, p.62 ) in the undermentioned extract.

Today it is hard to analyze the in-migration processes and schemes in the universe without sing the development of multinational individualities and dual individualities. The Ivorian crisis and the innovation of the construct of “ ivority ” tells more on this issue which, far from being an inexplicit signifier of scientific stigmatization as mentioned earlier is a life world.

Taking advantage of lingual and cultural relationships, former refugees will easy acquire mix among Northern Cameroon populations and benefit from the same advantages as Cameroonian citizens[ 7 ]. This is the instance of Tupuri, Mundang, Massa and Sara refugees who made usage of these lingual and cultural advantages to infix in their new society. These integratings reappear on the political in conflictual footings when these former refugees occupy large places of duty at the province degree.

During Cameroon ‘s A«A hot yearsA A» which marked the beginning of the procedure of democracy have made usage of the presence of refugees in the political field. The 1990 decennary was marked by a air current of democratisation blowing in Africa. Cameroon did non get away from this political gift. This democratisation context was marked by many claims with force and “ shade towns ” paralysing the state. This socio political crisis state of affairs did non coerce the supplanting of the population to other adjacent states. But for resistance parties or the party in power, fall backing to the ballot of refugees was an electoral plus. Owning official paperss was made easy in the position of political involvements. As such, refugees constituted an electoral shop where political involvements were quenched. The part of refugees of Tapare was non merely political ; their actions have had impacts at the environmental degree.

4-Environnemental Impacts

The reaching of at least 5000 refugees at Tapare has left many environmental impacts. Given that the presence of refugees in a site has many effects on the environment, environmental jobs related to it are major and changeless preoccupations of the HCR. The study from the “ Section Programme and Technical SupportA A» ( HCR, 1991, p.2 ) outlines three peculiar conditions to the monolithic supplanting of refugees.

-Disproportion between high population denseness and available resources in the colony country of refugees.

-The inclination of leting the colony of refugees in ecologically delicate zones.

Among the refugees, the deficiency of motive toward the protection of environment, due to the injury of war and supplanting and to the fact that the land they live on does non belong to them.

In the country under survey, this is noticeable and comprises all the conditions outlined in this study. In consequence, for them to settle, refugees had to cut trees at a big graduated table. To carry through their demands in wood, they have cut multiple intent trees. It is obvious that such a cut in a delicate ecological environment leads to an ecological dislocation. The utmost poorness in which refugees live does non give them the chance to care for the available ecological equilibrium. As such, at Tapare , they have specialised in the sale of wood, and the fiction of wood coal which requires dense trees, of course sustainable and holding adequate Calories. In this visible radiation, ( Jacobsen, 1994 cited in Black, 1998, p.32 ) clasp this:

As the demand in wood additions, new markets are created and forest more or less far are affected: topographic points of exchange as good are created for other natural resources such as H2O or thatch ; firewood is sold or exchanged for nutrient grounds during periods of nutrient insecurity, that is “ shortage seasons ” after harvest, when shops of nutrient get finished ”

This haste for wood holding multiple potencies leads to the disappearing of the latter whose function in rites, traditional rites is non questionable. As such, they disappear alongside the traditional cognition that has been transmitted from coevalss to coevalss[ 8 ].

The disappearing of the vegetational coverage from a site is caused by the devastation of dirts. Soils which are non covered by trees can easy be eroded by rain H2O. An probe carried out by Long et Al ( 1990, p.12 ) suggest that tree killing caused by the presence of refugees has led to massive dirt eroding after heavy rains in 1989 “ taking off the dirts from the treeless countries ” . In the long tally, this devastation of dirts and the violent death of trees might hold awful effects on the conditions and even on the agricultural productions and therefore represent other causes of supplanting.

Decision

The country of migration motion has scantly been worked upon in Central Africa, in malice of the overplus struggles which prevail at that place. Migrations in this country are ancient. Many factors motivated them. Equally far as the presence of Chadians in the Faro and more exactly in Tapare , the assorted politico-military struggles which prevailed in Chad explain this. The pick of the colony zone was non made randomly. Geographical, lingual and cultural propinquities explain why the country of Tapare was chosen. This small town witnessed the reaching of an of import figure of migrators holding diverse socio professional profiles. This monolithic presence of Chadian refugees has provoked many alterations, be it from the sociocultural or economic points of position. As such, many struggles related to land and the addition in production was noted. From the political and environmental point of views, alterations are every bit seeable as the inquiry of dual individuality, the disappearing of trees to the extent of endangering ecological balance.

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Spindler, W. , 2008. A«A CamerounA : De nombreux Tchadiens estiment le retour impossible du fait de l’insecuriteA A» . Points de presse, 26 fevrier 2008 gold Palais des Nations a Geneve. hypertext transfer protocol: //www.unhcr.fr/4acf41e721.html consulte le 07/01/2012.

UNHCR, Rapport annuel. 2002. in www.unhcr.org/statistics, consulte le 20 aout 2011.

UNHCR, Rapports annuels. 1991-2003. in www.unhcr.org/statistics, consulte le 24 aout 2011.

Subject: Forced Migration of Chadians in the Faro Division in Northern Cameroon ( 1980-2010 )

By GORMO Jean

Department of History/ Higher Teachers ‘ Training College/University of Maroua-Cameroon

Abstraction

Since independency, there have been consecutive brushs in Africa, particularly the Biafra war in Nigeria from 1967 to 1970, the sidelining of oppositions to the government of Sekou Toure in Guinea, the war of release in Guinea Bissau. Chad is non exempted from this. In fact, the political history of Chad from 1920 to 1990 is characterised by perennial force, and putsch d’Etat. Since the terminal of the 1970ss till the morning of the XXIth century, Chad has witnessed and still does lasting instability. These assorted struggles have led to large human loss and the supplanting of hundred 1000 refugees. Cameroon which portions a boundary line with Chad is politically stable and stands as a host land for Chadian refugees. The acceptation or debut of a new member into a society has ever raised contentions. This is why the approach of Chadian safeties in the Faro Division will give birth to some alterations whose effects are now seeable. A inquiry so comes to mind as to cognize in what manner can the colony of Chadian refugees in this country be considered as an explicative variable of economical, sociocultural and political dynamisms in the Division.

Cardinal words: Forced migration, Chad, Northern Cameroon, Changes

Introduction

Migrations in cardinal Africa are a field of surveies which is still to be investigated into. This sphere can even be considered as fringy in the historiography of this part. Yet, wars and political brushs which plague it since independency lead to the supplanting of populations. These populations move from town to town or from state to state for security interest and in hunt for refuge or peaceable and stable host lands that can shelter them from struggles, prosecutions and vouch them a certain security. Cameroon remains a pick of finish for many refugees and refuge searchers from cardinal Africa and the Great lakes part In malice of the economic crisis and some socio political tensenesss link to the high unemployment rate and cost of life. This place makes Cameroon a shop of a new basin of migration establishing on the geographics of force and wars. In 2008 a sum of 4A 600 households of about 30.000 individuals were registered by the UNHCR and they expressed their want to remain in Cameroon temporarily get awaying from unrest in N’Djamena ( Spindler, 2008 ) . This is how the Faro Division hosted 1000s of refugees coming from neighboring Chad. The coming of these safeties in this Division will give rise to a certain figure of alterations whose effects are soon seeable. A inquiry so comes to mind as to cognize in what manner can the colony of Chadian refugees in this country be considered as an explicative variable of economical, socio-cultural and political dynamisms in the Division ( see location map ) . The pick of the Faro Division is non causeless. The colony of refugees did non take topographic point in all the divisions of the North. Merely two divisions received the refugees, the Benoue and the Faro. Nevertheless, no in-depth survey has been carried on issues of refugees in the faro division ( Poli-Tapare ) . My long stay in the divisional headquarter, Poli is a ground for my pick as I master the Poli-Tapare vicinity which receives tchadian refugees.

Carte_faro-bon.jpg

SourceA : Base SIG des villes du Cameroun, Laboratoire de Geomatique/universite de Ngaoundere , AdaptationA : Baska Toussia, 2011

Figure 1. Location of the survey country

A-Involuntary supplantings

The early 1880ss was characterised by a monolithic entry of Chadians in Cameroon in general and specifically in Northern part. This monolithic inflow can be accounted for by the blend of many factors including political, military and economic. The sites were non chosen at random. It was based on set regulations. These migrators who run flee from wars in general belong to assorted socio professional classs including cultural and spiritual classs. Before researching the causes of their migration, it would be necessary to follow their beginnings.

Migrations in Africa: an old phenomenon

Very widely associated to coerce migrations which affect southern states, the impression of refugees is comparatively new. It owes much to the Palestinian crisis of 1948 and three old ages subsequently to the signature of the convention of Geneva, which oversaw political refuge processs and resulted into the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees ( Cordell, 2002, p.16 )

If the impression of refugees is recent, migrations on their portion are non new phenomena in Africa. Talking in the same manner, Cordell ( 2002 ) affirms:

Largely assimilated to coerce migration impacting states of the South, the impression of refugees in its modern significance is comparatively recent. Its building is rooted extremely to the Palestinian crisis of 1948 and the sign language, three old ages subsequently, of the Geneva convention, which regulates the processs of political refuge and gave birth to the United Nation High Commission for Refugees ( UNHCR ) .

The present profile of populations in Africa consequences from a long permanent procedure of migration whose beginnings are deep-seated in history. Factors arousing migrations are by and large centred on crises be they political, conflictual or ecological.

From the vale of the Nile up to part environing Lake Chad, the cardinal Africa of the XIXth century has witnessed many slave foraies which prevail after the spread of Islam in the part. This led to the supplanting of populations whose state of affairs was far better than that of people who suffered the effects wrought by the ‘Holy war ‘ of the Fulani Jihad in West Africa in the same epoch ( Cordell, 2002, p.18 ) . This state of affairs provoked the supplanting of population in comparatively stable zones. They had to get by for their security throughout their supplanting and for their relocation. Ancient migrations are besides accounted for by the failing of agricultural systems.

In rural African societies, traveling from one site to a more or less close site stands as a compelling solution for those who embark on this venture when basic demands are non fulfilled ( hapless productiveness of lands, deficiency of infinite, eating, to call these few ) . In contexts of land impregnation and demographic force per unit area, entree to resources becomes competitory. In such a state of affairs, migration bases as an ultimate feasible response. As such, portion of the population moves from most populated parts to less populated 1s. This was the instance with the Tupuri people of the XVIIth century portion of whom had to travel from their native dirt ( South East Chad ) to a less populated and woody part in North-East Cameroon. It was non a planetary migration that drained all the toupouri people towards Cameroon but alternatively a portion of this population.

During colonization, the European disposal peculiarly put in topographic point occupation migrations which where seasonal and intended for metropoliss in a command to supply a work force. Development migrations taking at imparting the work force for public involvement plants were therefore recorded. Guided by the hunt for net income, the colonizer laid more accent on the quantitative facet of work force to the hurt of quality. The “ negriers ” spontaneously preferred to turn to small towns alternatively of citations to look for human resources that they needed. At this period so, 90 % of the population lived out of metropoliss. In Far North Cameroon for illustration some parts were considered like shops of work force. It consisted of non-Muslim populations which were many and hardworking. The development of settlements has ever pushed colonizers to promote the supplanting of populations. This can be inferred from what Collette Dubois ( 2005, p.8 ) holds.

Human mobility can be seasonal: the supplanting of “ navetanes ” ( seasonal work force recruited to reap Indian potatos in Senegal ) ; the migration of Mossi people to the Gold Coast, to cultivate chocolate. The enlisting of workers in forest work-sites in Gabon ; the enlisting of Khroumen ( crew work forces and stevedores ) on the seashore of western Africa by pilotage companies.

At the morning of independency, the creative activity of new industrial units in some vicinities became a sine qua non status for the development of new provinces. This entailed a large demand in adult male power as was the instance of the vicinity of Mbandjock in the centre part of Cameroon. The State organised migrations intended or the the agro-industrial company called SOSUCAM ( Societe Sucriere du Cameroun ) . As such, Tupuri, Massa and Mundang people were displaced to function as work force in this industrial unit.

As economic restraints of the morning of independency every bit good as jobs related to political alternation kept deterioration, population motions will be diversified in the last decennaries of the XXth century.

2-Causes of forced supplanting of Chadians

The state of affairs of Chad worsened increasingly at the morning of independency on 11 August 1960 ensuing into a series of wars and the bankruptcy of the state. Many supplantings among which that of Chadians resulted from it. The political and economic crises were the immediate causes of going. They paved the manner for a monolithic forced supplanting of migrators. A reappraisal of the recent political history of this state would doubtless do the present work more comprehensive. The creative activity of the Chad National Liberation Front ( FROLINAT-Front de Liberation National du Tchad ) in 1966 by Ibrahim Abatcha at Nyala in the Sudanese Darfur triggered a series of armed struggles among assorted cardinal authoritiess at Ndjamena and armed political motions. There were political, economical and military grounds to this armed struggle ( MbaA?naye, 2004, p.22 ) .

a- Politicss

In 1962, president Tombalbaye bans resistance parties. Some of his egotistic confederates particularly some members of the armed forces had committed atrociousnesss against the populations of the North of the state therefore ensuing into the creative activity of the FROLINAT in 1966 ( Ley-Ngardigal, 2008 ) .

The balkanisation of this motion after the decease of its initiation male parent led to the creative activity of rival wings ( FAN[ 9 ], FLT[ 10 ]… ) which took power in February 1979. Soon after, nevertheless, given the prevalence of competitions over the control of power, tribalism and money-mindedness, those rival wings entered into endless generalised armed struggles against one another ( Ley-Ngardigal, 2008 ) . This farther worsened the so delicate societal, political, and economical equilibrium of the state. This does non use to Chad entirely. A good figure of states in Africa autumn under this. This is what the secretary General ( 1998, p.3 ) one time said with this respect to the United Nations ‘ Security Council.

More than thirty old ages after the independency of African states, Africans themselves realise the African continent should happen the solutions to its jobs elsewhere, more than of all time before, Africa should analyze herself. The major beginning of struggle in the continent is the nature of the political power in many African continents every bit good as the existent or alleged effects related to entree to power and its arrogation.

Indeed, this construct of power, alternatively of lending to the advancement, stands as a stumbling block, beginning of dissension and societal brushs wherein the holder of power becomes wary and locks himself among his tribesmen purportedly for protection. Absence of duologue, mutual chariness between the disposal and the population creates the non-satisfaction of basic demands. This general job in the population creates an unstable state of affairs in the State since the people constitute a fertile land for claims and rebellions. This makes power to be instable and leads to a state of affairs of ageless struggle which destroys the economic system. We are speaking here about the devastation of the traditional economic system seting in the Forefront a kind of A«A Distress economyA A» where the local population is far from being the donees.

b-Socio-economic causes

War affects the economic system and leads to the devastation of substructures, the devastation of the system of nutrient production therefore arousing under-nutrition, dearth and decease. This portrays the direct impact that the political scenery has on societal and economic conditions of population. Political wrangles have paved the manner for under-nutrition, wellness jobs and a high grade of unemployment. Faced with such a helter-skelter state of affairs, the most usual option left is to go forth. What matters is the hunt for refuge and agencies of endurance. As mentioned earlier, the arrogation of power by a tribal minority and political selling consequence into the appropriation of the resources of the state which are so considered as private belongings above all at the exclusion of the bulk of the population. Given that they are excluded from the direction of resources, they feel marginalised. This therefore speeds up their pursuit for greener grazing lands. In their migration, forced migrators do non follow the same path, which obey certain parametric quantities.

3-Choice of land of colony

Before depicting the country of survey which hosts Chadian migrators, it is deemed wise to show Cameroon as a oasis of peace in a bomber part which is ageless unrest. Thus, for decennaries now, Cameroon has been a land of colony where a good figure of migrators from different states. It ‘s a sort of receptacle country, a runing pot of African traditions. This cultural assorted up is non of originally from Cameroon but alternatively a general issue in every state due to the multiple contacts between people. Some historical facts related to the colonies of foreign migrators can be traced back.

Between the old ages 1966 and 1970 a period matching to the extremum of the Biafra war in Nigeria, 1000s of refugees, particularly nomads ( Mbororo ) and Hausa Muslims settee in Northern Cameroon ( Bocquene, 1986, p.207 ) . In 1978, Cameroon one time once more welcomes Equato-guinean refugees get awaying the absolutism of Macias Nguema. This event corresponded with a declaration of cooperation between HCR ( High Comission of Refugees ) and the authorities of Cameroon. Between the old ages 1980 and 2000, Cameroon welcomes 1000s of R.D.Congolese refugees running from Mobutu ‘ absolutism. After cultural clangs in which took topographic point in January 2002 in Nigeria, near to 20 000 Nigerians settee in the grassfields part ( Dunga Mantung, Banyo ) . Between the old ages 1979 and 1990, the Northern portion of the state welcomes more than 100 000 Chadian civilians who ran off from war ( UNHCR, 1991-2003 ) . Many grounds account for this monolithic inflow of Chadians to Northern Cameroon.

The propinquity between Chad and Northern Cameroon is the most obvious factor which facilitates the supplanting at a low cost. Regular entree to intelligence from their native Chad was made easier due to the fact the short distance. Furthermore, the comparative high quality of Cameroon in footings of economic development contributed to pull them.

The clime is the A«A soudano-guinean ” type as in the whole state holding two alternating seasons. Located South of the part, the field of survey has wet and less hot conditions, with an mean one-year higher-up to 1 400mm and an mean one-year temperature of 250C, which nevertheless varies between 110C in December/January and 370C in April ( Brabant and Humbel, 1974 ) . Harmonizing to P. Brabant and Givaud ( 1985 ) the denseness of the population is approximately 10 inhabitants/km2. It is hence a less populated. This besides entails the handiness of arable land. Furthermore, Northern Cameroon in general and the country under survey in peculiar portion many lingual and cultural similarities which ease the integrating of refugees from southern Chad. Refugees who settle in the Faro are from assorted beginnings.

4-Typology of migrators

Refugees who flooded Poli-Tapare are from different socio-professional profiles. This can be inferred from the followers:

Runing off from struggles or prosecutions, or confronting desperation, a good figure of Chadian migrators have now settled in Cameroon… Some are civil retainers, grade holders, unemployed, pupils, bargainers, simple husbandmans… Others are statutory refugees or refuge searchers. Others are ordinary nomads, economic migrators or adventurers from all walks of life ( MbaA?naye, 2004, p.22 ) .

The effects of war imposed a common point to all of them: they are refugees competing for endurance. Establishing on field probes, refugees belong to the armed forces, they are instructors, wellness staff and a bulk of husbandmans. Harmonizing to estimations from sources in the field, Tapare small town received 5000 Chadian refugees since the beginning of the politico-military crisis Chad has faced[ 11 ]. The reaching of such an of import figure of forced migrators in the Faro has surely had multiple effects.

B-Effects of the colony of migrators

The invasion of new people in a new societal environment has ever been a beginning of jobs. The colony of Chadians in Tapare has given room for alterations. These alterations are felt at the sociocultural, economic, political and environmental degrees.

1-Sociocultural impacts

The reaching of Chadians at Tapare has ushered in a new type of relationships with the local population. Those relationships are most frequently characterised by an attitude of chariness vis a vis the refugees based on the grounds which underlied the going of Chadian refugees. These chariness and intuition are farther reinforced by stereotypes which have for long been showing Chadians like barbarous and inhuman. This stigmatization is farther seen through such an abuse as “ soiled Chadians ” . In fact, due to the economic state of affairs which prevailed in Chad, this place is further strengthened, therefore showing the Chadian like a really hapless, populating in wretchedness and low poorness. Given their position of new comers, the displaced are placed at the underside of the societal ladder. This position of ageless needy does non favor a alteration in the attitude toward them. They become more vulnerable.

The wretchedness in which they live contributes to beef up their exposure since the position of refugees is given on the footing of general and non single conditions in Africa. The 1969 convention of the African Union Organisation, in consequence broadens the position of refugee without needfully showing that there is single prosecution. This is mark of irresponsibleness of western states vis a six calls which are non straight related to them ( Rodier, 2002, p.25 ) . As such, while 80 % of refugees were given their position on collective or Prima facie footing, there seems to be a large contrast with Europe where the bulk ( if non all ) of appliers were given the position of refugees on single bases. The HCR ( 2005, p.6 ) therefore holds ”regional differences with respect to the acknowledgment of is accounted for by the nature of the bing judiciary frame every bit good as by the degree of economic development ( to find the position of refugees on single footing is demanding in footings of resources ” . These legal temperaments contribute to the abnormality of general aid to refugees. As such, refugees are abandoned to their ain destiny and therefore increase their exposure to HIV AIDS infection.

Many factors lending to the addition in the hazard of HIV AIDS transmittal among refugees are rather good known. Refugees are far removed from their native dirts. They do non hold anything to populate on. This institutional and societal dislocation is has an consequence on the coherence of the community, therefore interrupting societal sexual norms which underlie behaviors. Bing a refugee populating far from 1s native dirt can lend to the ingestion of intoxicant and other drugs which might ensue into the devastation of the impression of hazard at the degree of single and corporate attitudes. In refugees cantonments adult females and misss every bit face sexual force and development. The refugees struggled to fulfill their basic demands in nutrient, H2O and lodging. In this status, the adult females and misss frequently use their appeal or beauty for money, nutrient and for protection. Children without parental support, separated from their household or who became orphans are every bit peculiarly vulnerable to force and to physical and sexual development ( Hankins, et al. , 2002 ) . The presence of Chadians at Tapare entails an addition in the population. If from the oncoming pieces of lands shared among refugees do non present jobs, as clip the population additions, entree to set down becomes a major preoccupation.

Migrations in Northern Cameroon in general are beginnings of many struggle related to entree to land. The most celebrated are those opposing indigens to migrators ; though less seeable, intrafamily jobs are besides many. Conflicts related to land are normally triggered by a series of causes. Though the scarceness of land itself is a believable effort history for this, this nevertheless fails to veil other causes, viz. dissension on the reading of old minutess, the reclamation of coevalss and the rise of money-mindedness ( Mahamadou, 2008, p.2 ) .

Old minutess have been considered as unequivocal by Chadian migrators, while for local populations the lands were merely lent to migrators. Furthermore, descendants of refugees tend to liberate themselves from the bonds of verbal understandings on land development, while the progeny of the local population put to oppugn these conventions agreed upon by their parents. Finally, money-based minutess are besides concluded equivocally. The consequences are divergencies based on the reading of the nature of the conventions: harmonizing to the Sellerss, the lands were merely exchanged against money with refugees for a long-run development ; this therefore does non liberate the purchasers from traditional duties[ 12 ]. For migrants-buyers, the secret plans were bought and should hence be considered as their belongings purchasers are therefore exempted from all duties vis a vis the Sellerss. The behavior of the marketer is accounted for by the fact thought that a secret plan can non be decidedly sold to a refugee since the latter will sooner or later travel back to his native state. Problems faced by Chadian refugees with respect to entree to set down bode a hard economic interpolation.

2-The economic interpolation of refugees

The concentration of refugees in cantonments does non ease their interpolation. Survival being the day-to-day leitmotif, refugees of Tapare no Oklahoman have they spent a few old ages in the country, they start looking for occupations outside their colony. This state of affairs was worsened by the economic crisis of the late 1880ss which made entree to the occupation market hard. This is why in most instances, those refugees succeeded in being recruited but like dark watchers in some personal abodes or in a few services. This hard interpolation favoured the generation of little occupations in the informal sector. Under this autumn cobblers, shoe buffers, H2O Sellerss and soya Sellerss.

Equally far as adult females are concerned, they have developed other schemes as a suited response to their state of affairs. They of course embraced the bil-bil[ 13 ]concern. Given the lingual and cultural propinquities between some populations of Southern Chad and those of Northern Cameroon, it can be held that the fiction of this drink was non specific to the population of Northern Cameroon. This is why Chadian adult females will prosecute in the fiction of bil-bil, which does non enforce a large sum of money for a start. Their engagement in this sector is noticeable in large towns of Northern Cameroon, peculiarly in Maroua town. In the same manner, Gigla ( 2009 ) says that:

As one takes a walk in bil-bil quarters in Maroua town, it is easy to observe the grade of engagement of Chadian adult females. They work with local beer makers in chief quarters where bil-bil is brewed. As such, they are found in Harde , Fasaw, Domayo Pont called ”world market ” given the range of the bil-bil phenomenon. They have ushered in new techniques in the brewing of bil-bil which they fabricate in Fe tins.

Incomes generated from this concern have enabled Chadian adult females to get by with the basic demands of their households. The usage of millet and maize has influenced the measure of one-year production in the vicinity. As such, refugees themselves ended up being involved in agricultural activities.

Their interpolation into agribusiness was more successful in malice of the hurdlings faced in their pursuit for secret plans. The reaching of Chadian migrators at Tapare has boosted the production of cereal, leguminous and buttery. This is seeable in the topographic point occupied by the market in Faro division. Before the reaching of migrators, this market of less relevancy was non known by the population of the main town of the division. As clip went on, this market got specialised in the merchandising of Indian potatos produced in bulk by the refugees. The presence of refugees in the Faro has political deductions.

3-From the political point of view

After several old ages at Tapare , refugees and above all their posterities tend to blend up with the local populations. The acquisition of national individuality cards of their host state constitutes a warrant of protection and a peaceable life for refugees[ 14 ]. This is what Mimche ( 2006, p.60 ) said with respect to it.

For many neighbouring populations, this dual nationality consists in concretly looking for official documents ( national individuality card ) of the state of abode in order to get away from prosecution by forces of order and that of the state of abode for eventual visits to the state of beginnings of household members, to hold rights in foreign districts. Furthermore, the hunt for dual individuality gives refugees some rights in their host state: right to set down, entree to the occupation market, and right to education with the same position as indigens of the state.

In so making, a new individuality characterised by a dual nationality which makes the