History Of Communal Violence In India History Essay

What is communalism? There is no specific definition of communalism. Communalism has, by and large in Indian context, been defined in a negative intension. Communalism, in Indian context, can be defined as ‘secular struggle between two spiritual communities or an effort to accomplish secular end through spiritual agencies ‘ . ( Engineer 1997: 703 )[ 1 ]However, different bookmans have different positions. Harmonizing to Asghar Ali Engineer ‘communalism is non a merchandise of faith but the merchandise of political relations of thee lite of a spiritual community. ‘ ( Engineer 2002: ? ? ? )[ 2 ]While harmonizing to Bayly, conflicts between Hindus and Muslims or any faiths should non be seen in communal footings ever. ( Bayly 1985: 179 ) It is really of import to detect that Indian society is divided more on the footing of caste system than faiths. But, interestingly, really few bookmans have defined ‘communalism ‘ taking consideration of caste system. ( Can be an statement ) Here, I am sing caste force as communal one.

History of Communal Violence in India

Communalism in India has a long history. Some bookmans have argued that the quality of communal force has drastically changed after first independency battle of 1857. The grounds given for the same are really diverse. For some bookmans it is more or less a refined version of ‘divide and regulation ‘ theory – that the British boosted up Muslim communalism to counter emerging Indian patriotism. ( Bayly 1985: 178 )[ 3 ]Others, like Peter Hardy, emphasized the really ground behind the slow diffusion of more adamant ‘revivalist ‘ watercourses of Hinduism and Islam was the spread of communications after 1860. ( ibid: 178 ) But all these theories can non hide the fact that there has been communal force even before 1860.

Bayly has traced down really nicely the history of communal struggles before 1860. The period before 1860 has witnessed several communal public violences, Get downing with the Delhi, Agra and Kashmir public violences during the early 1720s, once more Delhi public violence in 1729, Benares riot in 1752 ( when the kazi demolished the Vishwanath temple ) , Sikh suppressing Sirhind in 1764, Vidarbha Calcutta public violence in 1789, Aligarh public violence in 1820, and Lucknow public violences in 1847, 1853, and 1856. ( ibid: 177-203 ) ‘Even during the Rebellion of 1857 in the western Gangetic country local societal struggle sometimes took on a communal facet. ‘ ( ibid: 193 ) The really ground behind spiritual discord between the old ages 1700-1860 was the opinion groups wanted to renegociate the boundaries of local spiritual patterns. ( ibid: 194 ) She has besides pointed out few more communal clangs between Hindus and Muslims like ‘at Banaras ( 1809-15 ) , Koil ( 1820 ) , Moradabad, Sambhal, Kashipur ( 1833 ) , Shahjahanpur ( 1837 ) , Bareilly, Kanpur and Allahabad ( 1837-52 ) , among other topographic points. Among the causes of these clangs was the downgrading of the Muslim province officials, and the attendant diminution of Muslim laterality, following the British conquering of the country. ‘ ( Gopal Krishna1985: 61 )[ 4 ]In add-on to this, Gopal Krishna reports that there was communal struggle in Ahmedabad in 1714 due to Holi jubilation and cow slaughter and in the Vidarbha-Maharashtra in 1786. ( Gopal Krishna: 1985 )

History of Communal Violence from 1860s to 2002

After 1860s, there was debut of religion-based political relations by the British to keep its hegemony as a consequence of independency battle of 1857. ( Bhambhri 1990: 23 )[ 5 ]There were major two policies followed by the British to govern over India. First, they adopted discriminatory and discriminatory intervention of different spiritual communities to advance spiritual divisions. Second, taking consideration of complexnesss of Indian society, they started pretermiting many countries of the sociables life of Indians. These two grounds led to reenforcement of religionism and caste feeling among the Indians. ( ibid: 22-26 )

There were few communal force noticed in Malabar in 1873, 1885, 1894 and 1896 ; in Nasik territory of Maharashtra in 1894 ; in Porbandar territory of Gujarat in 1895. There were about nine perturbations occurred in Punjab besides between 1881 and 1893. Multan public violence of 1881 was peculiarly terrible. ( Gopal Krishna: 1985 )

In the nineteenth century, communal perturbation was non a common characteristic. But in the twentieth century, the image got changed. Harmonizing to the Government of India, as mentioned in its memoranda, there were public violences in Peshawar in 1910, Katarpur in 1918, East Bengal in 1907, Agra in 1913, Ajodhya in 1912, and Shahabad in 1917. The frequence increased after 1920s. The Moplah rebellion of 1921 was really much communal in its nature. There were few perturbations in Malegaon ( 1921 ) , Multan ( 1922 ) , Lahore, Amritsar, Shaharanpur ( 1923 ) . In the twelvemonth 1924, some major communal force explosion in Nagpur, Delhi, Allahabad, Kohat, Calcutta, Shahajahanpur, Gulburga, Jubbalpore, and Lucknow. Due to spiritual transition, after 1925, hawkish organisations of Hindus were formed which led to the major public violences of Calcutta ( 1926 ) and Bombay ( 1928 ) . 1930s and1940s decennaries were suffering ; there were public violences in Kanpur in 1931, in Bombay in 1932 and 1936 which resulted into violent deaths of 294, 214 and 65 individuals severally. 1940s public violences were closely linked with divider political relations. ( ibid )

After independency, communal public violences declined to some extent particularly in the 1950s. There were about 20 such incidents in 1950, 7 in 1951, 12 in 1952 and 4 in 1953. The displacement took topographic point after 1964. Harmonizing to ministry of Home Affairs, the mean figure of incidents was 1025 between 1964 and 1970. During 1971-80, there were around 2572 communal incidences were noticed. ( ibid )

The nature of communal force changed after 1980s. It was chiefly orientated towards political issues than spiritual. The really aims of Sangh Parivar led are to inclusion of Dalits into Hindutva forces and to increase vote-bank. In 1979 in Jamshedpur and Aligarh and in 1980 in Moradabad public violences erupted on minor Hindu-Muslims clangs. During 1984, Indira Gandhi ‘s slaying led to slaughter of Sikh community which lasted for 15days with around 2,700 violent deaths of Sikhs. In 1987 in Meerut public violences lasted for around two months. Bhagalpur public violence in 1989 sparked because of constabulary atrociousnesss. In 1989 in Bhagalpur sparked on the issue of constabulary atrociousnesss. The Babri musjid destruction set off public violences of Mumbai in 1992 in which 1,788 people lost their lives. A decennary ago in 2002 in Gujarat public violence triggered on Muslims allegedly attacked train transporting militants of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad ( VHP ) back from the disputed sanctum site of Ayodhya. 58 Hindu militants of VHO left dead in this onslaught. In return around 2000 people were killed, exactly Muslims, harmonizing to official records. ( Hindustan-Times. November 09, 2011[ 6 ])

History of communal force in Gujarat

Gujarat, the place of birth of Gandhi, is the province where there is a history of faith being used for political terminals. In fact, Gujarat is being referred as a Hindutva research lab by many minds now. Religion being used for political additions had led to the present communal violence/riots. A decennary of 1961 to 71, there were about 799 incidents recorded in Gujarat, out of which 685 in urban country and 114 in rural countries. ( Outlook ) Most of the public violences took topographic point in 1969. The governing party adopted the Kshatriya[ 7 ], Harijan, Adivasis and Muslims ( KHAM ) policy, in reaction to it the 1981 anti – reserve agitation was rechannelized into a major communal inferno against Dalits. Unlike 1981-82, by 1985 the lower castes were better organized, frequently with aggression. 106 communal incidents took topographic point in Gujarat between 1987 and 1991. 40 per centum of these public violences were the consequence of political competition and struggles during elections. Around 22 per centum force took topographic point due to spiritual emanations. ( Outlook )

During September 1990, Rath Yatra from Somnath ( Gujarat ) to Ayodhya led by LK Advani left a countrywide trail of force. In Gujarat itself there were communal perturbation due to Rath Yatra. Narendra Modi was the main applied scientist of that Rath Yatra. Modi was the general secretory of the BJP during the old ages of communal force in 1986, 1987, 1989 and 1990. This was the ground why the Ramjanmabhoomi run became a cardinal issue in Gujarat. The displacement took topographic point in tendency from 1997 to 1999, particularly in south Gujarat. The Sangh Parivar started co-opting tribals into their creases. It created a divide between Hindus tribals and Christian tribals. During 1998 and 1999, Christian establishments were targeted particularly in Dang, Surat and Valsad territories. ( Outlookindia.com )

Anti-Reservation Riots of early 80s

Achyut Yagnik ( 1984 )[ 8 ]in his paper writes:

“ For one hundred and two yearss at that place was the changeless drumming of words like BC ( Backward Caste ) , Dheda, Savarna and Avarna ( upper castes and Dalits ) , Ujaliyat and Pacchat ( Fair castes and backward castes ) in and around Gujarat ”

It, the anti-reservation public violence, was all started by few handful pupils of medical pupils in Ahmedabad against reserved seats for Dalits in post-graduate medical classs. But at the terminal it grew up against reserve in instruction, occupations, and political places. The agitation spread over 18 out of 19 territories of Gujarat. It was non so obvious that among all the donees of reserve, like ST ( 13 per centum ) , SEBC ( 10 per centum ) , merely Dalits were targeted whose reserve was merely 7 per centum. ( Yagnik: 1984 ) It is of import to detect that other donees were left out from the upper caste wrath. The first stage of the agitation was led chiefly by Brahmins and Banias. ( ibid ) Slowly it spread over a larger country and shortly a pupils ‘ agitation turned into Suvarna ( higher caste ) agitation. Removal of reserve in educational establishments shortly turned into remotion of reserve in occupations and other positive favoritism. ( ibid )

There was a considerable addition in caste struggles around redistributive policies for the lower and backward caste Hindus, peculiarly over reserve of seats in governmental occupations and educational establishments. Furthermore, struggles between the forward and backward castes sometimes appeared to be closely linked with communal force. ( Shani 2007: 10 ) Preferential interventions for backward castes such as reserve in the 1980s, have facilitated rearward caste to come up and hold provided an chance for societal mobility. This resulted into betterment in their economic conditions. Therefore, frontward caste Hindus feared that their ain chances were being restricted and their laterality challenged. They were now all of a sudden forced to vie with the lower castes of lesser position, “ on footings that they perceived to be disadvantageous. The intensification of communal hostility since the 1980s reflected the resulting and turning uncertainnesss within the Hindu moral order ” ( Shani 2007: 12 ) .

Changing Forms: Co-opting Dalits

The anti-reservation public violences changed the very nature of communal force in Gujarat. Communal force between Hindus and Muslims now started to follow on the heels of caste force as the Hindus served the misanthropic intent of deviating attending off from the turning cleavage within caste system within Hindu society. ( Outlookindia.com )

There are three inquiries which have remained unanalyzed, what were the grounds behind Hindutva forces co-opting dalits – the demand to co-opt? What strategies Hindutva forces adopted to achieve the same nonsubjective – the method to co-opt? And why Dalits, go forthing 1000s old ages of favoritism behind, got communalized – the allurement to acquire co-opted?

The demand to Co-opt Dalits

Dalits take parting into communal force for Hindus and against Dalits has deep significance. Hindutva forces were threatened by the really thought of secularism. The thought of Hindu Rashtra was weakening. Dalits, who have been into wretchednesss for 1000s of old ages, had started happening an option of Hindu faith. And therefore, Hindutva forces felt the demand to co-opt Dalits into their ain crease. The relationship of Hindutva, which represents Hindu cardinal political orientation, with Dalits and Adivasis is governed by two considerations. First, the demand to spread out the electoral base of the Bharatiya Janata Party ( BJP ) ; 2nd, to hammer a wide consolidation of Hindus in order to accomplish the political aim. ( Teltumbde 2005: nine )

Dalit transition to Islam and Christianity has inflamed the votaries of Hindutva. Therefore, there was to counter Islam and Christianity. The best what they could make was to distribute hatred against these faiths. For the same aim, accent was placed on establishing ecclesiastical spiritual organisation. The cardinal board of this docket is hammering untiy among Hindus. ( Repetition in HOW ) ( Shah: 1994 )

The tactics pursued by the Hindutva organisations is to aim Dalits change overing to Islam or to seek and convey them back into the Hindu crease. With this in head, the Sangh Parivar has been active among the Dalits and Adivasis in the past few old ages. ( Devy 2002: 268 )

Hindus have ever enjoyed high quality on other lower castes. The BJP solidly supports the economic position quo in favour of the property-owning, inclusive of category divisions and hierarchized distribution of economic production. ( Shah: 1994 )[ 9 ]It besides strains to make a Hindu Rashtra. Therefore, it was this this demand to reenforce laterality of the bulk Hindu community. And that is why integrity among Hindus and ‘others ‘ becomes really indispensable undertaking here. Electoral political relations have besides played a important function here. There is inclination to win elections at any costs. This was another ground BJP has been seeking to pacify backward castes with assorted schemes. ( Shah: 1994 )

The method to co-opt

In the instance of VHP, RSS, BJP are the title-holders of high quality of Hinduism over other faiths. Their Reconstruction of Hinduism is non merely spiritual. It is basically political, centered on the impression of Hindu Rashtra vis-a-vis others who are depicted as rivals or enemies. ( Shah: 1994 )

It has been observed by assorted writers that Hindutva parties have used secular issues to project Muslims as enemies of the state and menace to the Hindu society. It has besides been seen that the Hindutva forces have taken advantage of the poorness and unemployment among Dalits to progress their communal political relations. For illustration, in Ahmedabad, the Dalits have been roused to anger by distributing rumours about Muslims being responsible for Dalit workers losing their occupations in the cotton Millss ( Devy 2002: 268 ) .

BJP has non merely targeted Dalits, they have besides targeted tribals. There are assorted schemes which have been used by Hindutva parties efficaciously to Hinduise lower caste people. “ The Sangh Parivar has sneakily grabbed the virgin infinite on the borders of Hindudom and consistently worked on it over many decennaries, chiefly through their Vanvasi Kalyan Ashrams. ” ( Teltumbde 2005: 3 ) Because of Vanvasi Kalyan Ashrams, SaraswatiA Shishu Mandir and other establishments, tribal Gods have been displaced by the Hindu 1s like Ganeshas, their animistic traditions adulterated with Hindu caste civilization, their tribal idioms replaced by Sanskritized slang, their leaders displaced by the freshly commissioned karyakartas or office carriers, and their heads poisoned with the venom of communalism, the guiltless lower castes have been transformed into a regular ground forces of Hindutva to contend its street conflicts. ( Teltumbde 2005: 3 )

Trishuls, blades and other arms were being distributed during ceremonial and spiritual maps as symbols. There were developing runs organized to distribute hate-ideology. Abduction and forced matrimony by Muslims with Hindu misss were symbolized to distribute hatred against Muslims. Christianity has been targeted straight. Forced transition of Hindus was the ground given by Hindutva forces against Christianity. ( Outlookindia.com )

Muldas Vaishya criticizes Dalits on acquiring converted to other faiths.

He goes on to state that “ You are Hindus. Your ascendants were Hindus. You should understand that clearly that even by change overing to some other faith, you will stay Hindu. You should retrieve that all Hindus are non overzealous. Maharshi Dayanand, Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Ramkrishna Paramhansa, Srimant Maharaja Sayaji Rao, Mahatma Gandhi, LalaLajapat Rai and other, who were all Hindus, have taken an involvement in bettering the conditions of untouchablesaˆ¦ Nevertheless, your resistance to Hindus is apprehensible, but should you for this ground leave the faith? You have every bit much right to the Hindu faith as Savarnas haveaˆ¦ It would be a fearful act if you leave the heritage of your ascendants which they maintained during the crisis. Where is happiness and peace for cowardly people on Earth? By staying Hindu you would be utile to your caste, your future coevals and your state. ”

The arrant failure of the jurisprudence and order machinery and other wings of the province to look into such blatantly unconstitutional behaviour are genuinely worrying for the hereafter of secularism and democracy ( Outlookindia.com ) . M N Shrinivas has defined shaskritization as imitation of rites of upper castes by lower castes to turn out that they are non less than that of upper castes. Shaskritization has played different function here. Alternatively of copying Hindus by lower castes, lower castes have tried to asseverate the individuality of Hindu through symbols like Trishuls, blades, Tilak etc. Killing Muslims and ravishing their misss and adult females had become tools to be recognized or asseverate the individuality of Hindu.

Tonss of attempts have been afoot to carry through the aim of “ integrity ” . Some of them are in favour of caste system but are critical to untouchability. All of them advocate Hindu qaum i.e. community, as Hindu Rashtra, invoke communal classs vis-a-vis non Hindus. ( Shah: 1994 ) The BJP party concepts and reconstructs certain values and establishments as cultural heritage and redefines the Hindu societal order, Hinduism and ‘others ‘ ( non-Hindus ) . After Babri Masjid destruction, the BJP and RSS leaders have tried to turn out that Hindu individuality has well reduced caste, religious order, linguistic communication and regional differences among Hindus. Harmonizing to H.V. Seshadri, the RSS head, to eliminate caste-based distinctions it is indispensable to unite Hinduism. ( Shah: 1994 )

Some spiritual religious orders mobilized rearward castes with a position to Sanskritizing societal norms. While making so, they reinforced over clip the caste system and the laterality of upper castes e.g. Swami-Narayan Sect Establishment. It did non recommend the caste system but still restriction on inter-dining and inter-marriage continued. Furthermore, the basic caste responsibilities were reaffirmed. ( Shah: 1994 )

Caste associations of upper castes every bit good as backward castes have been formed to mobilise multitudes in elections through the agencies of supplying instruction, wellness and income generating activities. In this procedure, castes every bit good as Hindu consciousness are invoked. Symbols like the blade, trishul ; and swastika are deployed to beat up members non merely around caste but besides at the same time around Hinduism. A subdivision of the upwardly nomadic backward castes perceive these as emblematic of their new individuality. ( Shah: 1994 )

Sachchidanand – one of the extremist sants and swamis. His mission is to rejuvenate Hinduism and patriotism. Harmonizing to him, the system can non be called “ good which created the Kshatriyas, six per centum of the population brave and staying population docileaˆ¦ The foreign attackers knew our failing that they had to contend with merely six percentaˆ¦ ” The caste system created internal competitions and competition which benefited others ( Muslims ) . ( Shah: 1994 )

Pandurang Athavale – the designer of Swadhyay Sect. Harmonizing to them constructs of state and nationalism are enriched in the Vedas which call for trueness to the land. The Aryans which created the Vedas are a great race. The Aryans had merely two instruments “ great thoughts and loving relationship ” . Bharatiya, i.e. Hindu, tradition. Bharatiya is one who accepts the Hindu philosophical traditions. The true patriot is one who is filled with the love of one ‘s land and towns created and protected by God. ( Shah: 1994 ) Athavale denigrates Muslim encroachers and Muslim swayers for destructing temples and change overing ‘our people ‘ . ( Shah: 1994 )

Morari Bapu – Harmonizing to him – Ramrajya new wave merely be established when the Dalits get equal position with others. Muslim regulation is responsible for the devastation of Hindu, that is, Indian tradition. He supported the Sangh Parivar openly at the clip of Babri Masjid. He has suggested to utilize Shakti ( power ) at the same clip. ( Shah: 1994 )

Harmonizing to VHP, in its prima newspaper ‘Vishwa Hindu Samachar, All Hindus should unify against Vidharmis[ 10 ]. Outmoded feudal values still prevail in our small towns which have kept the caste pollution integral and therefore resulted in clash within the Hindu foldaˆ¦ Savarna Hindus should now go qui vive and non widen the spread between the castes, must compromise with Dalits and non go on to stay selfish. ” ( Shah: 1994 )

Organizations like The Bharat Sevashram and Hindu Milan Mandir are besides really active in Gujarat. Harmonizing to these organisations, the low castes Hindus are the most industrious, strong and able to bear much agony. They are the existent Kshatriyas. Without them we can non make anything. Hindu jati cann go strong merely by elating the lower castes and non without them. They could be brought frontward by leaving cognition to them in moralss, good behaviour, instruction and other Fieldss. “ They have to be made human existences in the true sense of the term. ( Shah: 1994 )

Samajik Samarasata Manch has been organized by Sangh Parivar to pull Ambedkarists – the Dalits. Ambedkar has been projected anti-Muslims. Harmonizing to an RSS leader Dattopant Dhengadi, Ambedkar followed Buddhism but non Islam or Christianity because he was feared that it would go people anti-national. Ambedkar ‘s ‘Thoughts on Pakistan ‘ are being highlighted to project him anti-Muslim. ( Shah: 1994 ) Dr. Hedgewar emphasized on the society which based on Bandhutva ( brotherhood ) and it merely survives on the footing of a individual to individual bond and their corporate engagement. ( Shah: 1994 ) Moslems have been defined aggressive in their natures who have misused the failing of the Hindu Samaj. Therefore, it is an aim of the SSM to absorb Dalits with the mainstream and strengthen Hindu society and the state. ( Shah: 1994 )

Bhartiya Janta Party ( BJP ) has besides adopted assorted schemes to include dalits into their crease. The ground to include Dalits into BJP party was the feeling of insecurity of elections. BJP can non except the huge bulk. Party gives more tickets to OBCs. In Gujarat, the major focal point is on SCs, STs and Kolis because of their numerical strength. ( Shah: 1994 ) Congress has interpreted degenerated status of lower castes is because of higher caste. But the BJP party believes that upper castes are non responsible for degrading the status of the lower castes. BJP has tried to project itself as a party which wants to better life style of Dalits. Harmonizing to them, life style, which is harmonizing to Brahminical political orientation, should be inculcated into lower castes. They, lower castes, could better their places by instruction, ingraining of ‘GOOD ‘ values and behaviour. ( Shah: 1994 )

The party had organized the Nyaya Yatra on Ambedkar ‘s Birthday. Furthermore, late, the party has launched a run, headed by Dalit leaders, to inscribe 25,000 Dalits as party members. ( Shah: 1994 ) In add-on to it, specials attempts were made to roll up nominal money Rs. 1.25 per family for building of Ram temple in tribal countries like Bharuch territory. They were asked, “ Are you Hindus? Prove it by lending Rs. 1.25 for Ramshil Pujan. Similarly, Ram Paduka run in 1992 was introduced. ( Shah: 1994 )

The allurement to acquire co-opted

It will non be justifiable to state Dalits have been dragged into Hindutva fold without their will. There were grounds behind. No uncertainty, Hindutva forces have taken advantage of conditions of Dalits. But we can non disregard the fact that Dalits were besides in demand of something which Hindutva provided. It does non count whatever Hindutva has provided whether it is profiting Dalits or non. There was tonss of grounds buttockss Dalits taking engagement at their ain will in the 2002 race murder which would be discussed below.

Discrimination, lower societal and economic position has made to absorb some values which led to sense of lower status. Dalits were hungering for equality. This sense of lower status led Dalits to fall quarry in the custodies of Hindutva political orientation. Predominating spirit of equality among Dalits was the factor which led to Dalits acquiring co-opted by Hindutva forces. This could possible due to textile industry in Ahmedabad. Urban migration provided Dalits new avenues in the industrial sector clairvoyance. fabric. It was more compensable every bit good as provided chance to liberate themselves from untouchability. ( Shah: 2004 )[ 11 ]

Sanskritisation has played an of import function due to which Dalits have tried to copy higher caste. Many OBCs followed Sanskritisation as a way to better their societal position by copying life manner of upper castes and this was facilitated by British colonial swayers and other local leaders. Now, it is no longer Sanskritisation as in the yesteryear. Their pursuit is for “ modernisation ” with parlances of Sanskritisation. ( Shah: 1994 )

The other ground which led Dalits acquiring co-opted was deficiency of an alternate faith. The favoritism in which they have lived into for 1000s of old ages is really hard to acquire uprooted from traditions by an alternate faith. Conversion has non helped Dalits to get away from favoritism. Dalits had no option but to follow Hindutva political orientation. Dalits had hopes in their eyes that assisting Hindus into race murder might assist them to interrupt tradition of 1000s old ages. ( Shah: 2004 )

Another ground was hapless status of Dalits. Poverty persists among Dalits due to assorted grounds. Once upon a clip, in the epoch of fabric Millss, Dalits have enjoyed upward mobility but due to Liberalization, Privatization and Globalization, competition among Dalits for scarce resources has increased due to which, in consequence, economic stratification among the Dalits has been sharpened in the last few old ages. This led Dalits into vulnerable conditions. Poverty among Dalits flourished due to occupation losingss because of closing of fabric Millss. The fact that the Numberss of Dalit pay labourers are worsening since the early 1980s as the fabric Millss closed down one by one. Once upon a clip, it has provided them unafraid occupation with self-respect. So, for few Dalits the chief ground of engagement in the slaughter was merely money as they were unemployed. ( Shah: 2004 )

Jan Breman has mentioned that “ Organized activities, even to prosecute political aspirations, are no longer within the range of the former factory workers. Their attending has been narrowed down to the immediate concern of taking attention of themselves and the members of their families. In this scenario, there is no room for wide societal battle or long-run position. Alternatively the battle for endurance has made them vulnerable to political forces eager to split them along communal lines. ” ( Breman: 2004 )[ 12 ]

Gujarat has non witnessed an anti-Brahmin or backward caste motion as in south India. Dalit jaguar has been really inactive in Gujarat unlike Maharashtra. Dalits had no leader whom they can follow or a leader who can steer them. ( Shah: 1994 ) Harmonizing to Gandhians the ‘improved ‘ life manner lower castes should follow was Brahminical. Therefore, if you want to be like a Brahmin you must hold to follow what Hindus are stating. The sense that I, Dalit, want to better my life got attracted towards Hindutva political orientation. ( Shah: 1994 )